Do you have the impression that there is no understanding in the countries of
former Yugoslavia for the situation in which Serbia finds itself?
Golubovic: I have the impression that in those countries, and throughout the
world, people are not aware of the destructive scale of the bombing. I couldn't
call it intervention, I call it aggression, since, after a month of insolently
raining down tons of bombs and projectiles upon our heads, Yugoslavia is liter
ally being turned into a fire-zone. This war has not accomplished a single one
of its aims: neither has it prevented a humanitarian catastrophe, nor has it
damaged the regime.
Pusic: If we are to speak about victims, we must not forget that the primary i
sue is not the Serb people in Serbia, but the Albanians in Kosovo. That must be
our starting point. I must say that the main cause of the present destruction is
the regime of Milosevic, to whom no alternative has been found in Serbia afters
12 years of his rule. During this time, that regime has wrecked part of Croatia
and most of Bosnia-Herzegovina. It ruined a number of towns in Croatia, while
Sarajevo spent three years under this kind of bombardment and worse. Nobody can
be happy at a situation in which the infrastructure of a country is being de
stroyed, but preventing the destruction of the Albanians is the main problem.
Golubovic: I find the argument very strange that one can destroy one evil with
another, and I'd say still greater, evil. For years I have written critically
about the existing order in Yugoslavia, and about the repression exercised upon
the Albanians. So in that respect my conscience is clear.
Pusic: So far as the bombing and the exodus are concerned, the Albanians are
leaving Kosovo because ethnic cleansing is going on there. All the information,
all the texts written about it, make clear that ethnic cleansing is the reason
for that vast exodus. The exodus and the terror in Kosova were going on before
hand; the Albanians are not fleeing the bombs, it is Milosevic who took the
bombs as a pretext for carrying out massive ethnic cleansing in Kosova.
Golubovic: You put too much trust in the impartiality of the Nato Pact forces.
This aggression has unfortunately ÌÌÌÌÌÌÌÌÌÌÌÌÔ
confirmed my conviction - and this is what I
have found most distressing - that democratic Europe has failed the test, for it
has proved to be the merest pawn in the hands of American imperial aims.
Pusic: If Europe, and indeed the world, ever failed the test, then it seems to
me that it was far, far earlier, and not just now when the bombing of Serbia be
gan. Sarajevo was bombed, and nothing was done; Vukovar was bombed, and nothing
was done; Dubrovnik was bombed, and nothing was done.
What are your conclusions?
Golubovic: The subject is being changed. In the name of toppling a regime and
in the name of supposedly establishing democracy, blame is being cast on a whole
nation and the nation is being mercilessly and insanely destroyed. I guarantee
that the existence of the Yugoslav nations is really being called into question
by this. The future of generations is being called into question. And we are
farther than ever from a solution. . .
Pusic: If we are to measure suffering - and I think it is only conditionally
possible to measure it, since everyone thinks their own misfortune is the most
terrible - I think that the Bosniaks and the Albanians have, after all, been the
main victims in these Yugoslav wars. . . I think that guilt can be, and is, only
individual. But I must say that there was one moment in which it was very hard
for me to accept the argument for individual guilt, and that was the moment when
I stood on the destroyed Old Bridge in Mostar. I did not destroy the Old Bridge,
I was horrified by the deed and condemned it in every possible way. But at the
same time I knew and know that the Old Bridge was destroyed by members of the
Croatian nation and in the name of that nation, a nation to which I myself be
long. When members of your own nation, and in the name of that nation, do such
dreadful things, I think that however much you may stand for the individualiza
tion of guilt, you do have some need and some responsibility to say that this is
not in the interest of your nation, that it is against the interest of your na
tion and against the idea for which you and some coherent part of your nation