bosnia report
New Series No. 9/10 April - July 1999
 
Zagorka Golubovic

Do you have the impression that there is no understanding in the countries of former Yugoslavia for the situation in which Serbia finds itself?

Golubovic: I have the impression that in those countries, and throughout the world, people are not aware of the destructive scale of the bombing. I couldn't call it intervention, I call it aggression, since, after a month of insolently raining down tons of bombs and projectiles upon our heads, Yugoslavia is liter ally being turned into a fire-zone. This war has not accomplished a single one of its aims: neither has it prevented a humanitarian catastrophe, nor has it damaged the regime.

Pusic: If we are to speak about victims, we must not forget that the primary i sue is not the Serb people in Serbia, but the Albanians in Kosovo. That must be our starting point. I must say that the main cause of the present destruction is the regime of Milosevic, to whom no alternative has been found in Serbia afters 12 years of his rule. During this time, that regime has wrecked part of Croatia and most of Bosnia-Herzegovina. It ruined a number of towns in Croatia, while Sarajevo spent three years under this kind of bombardment and worse. Nobody can be happy at a situation in which the infrastructure of a country is being de stroyed, but preventing the destruction of the Albanians is the main problem.

Golubovic: I find the argument very strange that one can destroy one evil with another, and I'd say still greater, evil. For years I have written critically about the existing order in Yugoslavia, and about the repression exercised upon the Albanians. So in that respect my conscience is clear.

Pusic: So far as the bombing and the exodus are concerned, the Albanians are leaving Kosovo because ethnic cleansing is going on there. All the information, all the texts written about it, make clear that ethnic cleansing is the reason for that vast exodus. The exodus and the terror in Kosova were going on before hand; the Albanians are not fleeing the bombs, it is Milosevic who took the bombs as a pretext for carrying out massive ethnic cleansing in Kosova.

Golubovic: You put too much trust in the impartiality of the Nato Pact forces. This aggression has unfortunately ÌÌÌÌÌÌÌÌÌÌÌÌÔ confirmed my conviction - and this is what I have found most distressing - that democratic Europe has failed the test, for it has proved to be the merest pawn in the hands of American imperial aims.

Pusic: If Europe, and indeed the world, ever failed the test, then it seems to me that it was far, far earlier, and not just now when the bombing of Serbia be gan. Sarajevo was bombed, and nothing was done; Vukovar was bombed, and nothing was done; Dubrovnik was bombed, and nothing was done.

What are your conclusions?

Golubovic: The subject is being changed. In the name of toppling a regime and in the name of supposedly establishing democracy, blame is being cast on a whole nation and the nation is being mercilessly and insanely destroyed. I guarantee that the existence of the Yugoslav nations is really being called into question by this. The future of generations is being called into question. And we are farther than ever from a solution. . .

Pusic: If we are to measure suffering - and I think it is only conditionally possible to measure it, since everyone thinks their own misfortune is the most terrible - I think that the Bosniaks and the Albanians have, after all, been the main victims in these Yugoslav wars. . . I think that guilt can be, and is, only individual. But I must say that there was one moment in which it was very hard for me to accept the argument for individual guilt, and that was the moment when I stood on the destroyed Old Bridge in Mostar. I did not destroy the Old Bridge, I was horrified by the deed and condemned it in every possible way. But at the same time I knew and know that the Old Bridge was destroyed by members of the Croatian nation and in the name of that nation, a nation to which I myself be long. When members of your own nation, and in the name of that nation, do such dreadful things, I think that however much you may stand for the individualiza tion of guilt, you do have some need and some responsibility to say that this is not in the interest of your nation, that it is against the interest of your na tion and against the idea for which you and some coherent part of your nation stand.

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